Robert E. Lee
Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia
January 11, 1865
Hon. Andrew Hunter
I have received your letter of the 7th instant,
and without confining myself to the order of your interrogatories, will
endeavor to answer them by a statement of my views on the subject.
I shall be most happy if I can contribute to the solution of a question
in which I feel an interest commensurate with my desire for the welfare
and happiness of our people.
Considering the relation of master and slave,
controlled by humane laws and influenced by Christianity and an enlightened
public sentiment, as the best that can exist between the white and black
races while intermingled as at present in this country, I would deprecate
any sudden disturbance of that relation unless it be necessary to avert
a greater calamity to both. I should therefore prefer to rely upon
our white population to preserve the ratio between our forces and those
of the enemy, which experience has shown to be safe. But in view
of the preparations of our enemies, it is our duty to provide for continued
war and not for a battle or a campaign, and I fear that we cannot accomplish
this without overtaxing the capacity of our white population.
Should the war continue under the existing circumstances,
the enemy may in course of time penetrate our country and get access to
a large part of our negro population. It is his avowed policy to
convert the able-bodied men among them into soldiers, and to emancipate
all. The success of the Federal arms in the South was followed by
a proclamation of President Lincoln for 280,000 men, the effect of which
will be to stimulate the Northern States to procure as substitutes for
their own people negroes thus brought within their reach. Many have
already been obtained in Virginia, and should the fortune of war expose
more of her territory, the enemy would gain a large accession to his strength.
His progress will thus add to his numbers, and at the same time destroy
slavery in a manner most pernicious to the welfare of our people.
Their negroes will be used to hold them in subjection, leaving the remaining
force of the enemy free to extend his conquest. Whatever may be the
effect of our employing negro troops, it cannot be as mischievous as this.
If it end in subverting slavery it will be accomplished by ourselves, and
we can devise the means of alleviating the evil consequences to both races.
I think, therefore, we must decide whether slavery shall be extinguished
by our enemies and the slaves be used against us, or use them ourselves
at the risk of the effects which must be produced upon our social institutions.
My opinion is that we should employ them without delay. I believe
that with proper regulations they can be made efficient soldiers.
They possess the physical qualifications in an eminent degree. Long
habits of obedience and subordination, coupled with the moral influence
which in our country the white man possesses over the black, furnish an
excellent foundation for that discipline which is the best guaranty of
military efficiency. Our chief aim should be to secure their fidelity.
There have been formidable armies composed of
men having no interest in the cause for which they fought beyond their
pay or the hope of plunder. But it is certain that the surest foundation
upon which the fidelity of an army can rest, especially in a service which
imposes peculiar hardships and privations, is the personal interest of
the soldier in the issue of the contest. Such an interest we can
give our negroes by giving immediate freedom to all who enlist, and freedom
at the end of the war to the families of those who discharge their duties
faithfully (whether they survive or not), together with the privilege of
residing at the South. To this might be added a bounty for faithful
We should not expect slaves to fight for prospective
freedom when they can secure it at once by going to the enemy, in whose
service they will incur no greater risk than in ours. The reasons
that induce me to recommend the employment of negro troops at all render
the effect of the measures I have suggested upon slavery immaterial, and
in my opinion the best means of securing the efficiency and fidelity of
this auxiliary force would be to accompany the measure with a well-digested
plan of gradual and general emancipation. As that will be the result
of the continuance of the war, and will certainly occur if the enemy succeed,
it seems to me most advisable to adopt it at once, and thereby obtain all
the benefits that will accrue to our cause.
The employment of negro troops under regulations
similar in principle to those above indicated would, in my opinion, greatly
increase our military strength and enable us to relieve our white population
to some extent. I think we could dispense with the reserve forces
except in cases of necessity.
It would disappoint the hopes which our enemies
base upon our exhaustion, deprive them in a great measure of the aid they
now derive from black troops, and thus throw the burden of the war upon
their own people. In addition to the great political advantages that
would result to our cause from the adoption of a system of emancipation,
it would exercise a salutary influence upon our whole negro population,
by rendering more secure the fidelity of those who become soldiers, and
diminishing the inducements to the rest to abscond.
I can only say in conclusion that whatever measures
are to be adopted should be adopted at once. Every day's delay increases
the difficulty. Much time will be required to organize and discipline
the men, and action may be deferred until it is too late.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
SOURCE: Reprinted in Official Records
of the Union and Confederate Armies, series IV, volume III
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1900), pages 1012-1013.
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